Reviews of "The Spark the Logs the Gasoline"
Mike Butler: NZ’s wars as they saw them
https://breakingviewsnz.blogspot.com/2025/04/mike-butler-must-read-book-on-nzs-wars.html
The Spark, the Logs, and the Gasoline, by Piers Seed, that presents the New Zealand wars in the words of those who were there, is an outstanding book that should be a gamechanger in New Zealand policy making.
This is the third book in which Seed applies the discipline he gained earning a Bachelor of Engineering in electronics to New Zealand history.
In Hoani’s Last Stand (2022), he proves without doubt that no women and children were herded into a church at Rangiaowhia (near Te Awamutu) on February 21, 1864, and burnt to death by colonial troops, as has been frequently claimed.
Taonga and Contra Proferentem (2023) analyses two “very wobbly” legal constructs that the Waitangi Tribunal has used in decisions over 40 years.
The New Zealand wars have been investigated for 162 years and have generated successive compensation payments, the latest of which totals $4.6-billion.
The perception of these conflicts has changed radically over the years.
Described as “tribal rebellions” in legislation in 1863, and carved in stone as “the New Zealand wars” in 1929 at the Auckland Museum, I grew up in the 1950s referring to them as the “Maori wars” (my great grandfather fought in them).
They were recast as “land wars” by the Waitangi Tribunal and others from 1985 when a law change enabled the re-investigation of grievances back to 1840.
The spark for the 1860s wars was the offer to sell 600 acres in Waitara, Taranaki, in 1859, by a chief of the Te Ati Awa tribe, and the vehement opposition to the sale by another Te Ati Awa chief.
That escalated to sporadic armed conflict for 10 years in which 2899 people were killed and nearly a million hectares were confiscated (The total land area of New Zealand is 26.8-million hectares.)
A narrative that British colonisers tricked noble savages into letting them settle here and started stealing their land and when some chiefs stood up for their rights, they were killed and their land confiscated grew around the Waitangi Tribunal’s investigations.
However, Seed shows that the sequence of falling dominoes started in 1820, when chiefs starting using guns to embark on industrial-scale slaughter from which numerous tribes fled leaving vast areas without people.
Taranaki was such an area.
By 1840, when large numbers of British were on their way to New Zealand and when the British government offered peace and protection in return for the right to control New Zealand, large numbers of Maori were on board with the chiefs who signed the Treaty of Waitangi, keen to leave behind permanent war, slavery, and the likelihood of being killed and eaten.
Yet, after 1840, successive British governors were both unable (insufficient resources) and reluctant (Maori kicked up a fuss) to deliver on the protection promise of the treaty by extending control, leaving Maori to look after their own affairs.
Having said that, the settler presence made dangerous and deserted areas (like Taranaki) safe for Maori, freed slaves returned. Peace and prosperity returned.
But old tribal grudges and aspirations remained, tribal controls had broken down, and anarchy spread, especially in areas without a settler presence.
That was the context in which Te Ati Awa chief Te Teira Manuka offered Governor Gore Browne his 600 acres in Waitara and another Te Ati Awa chief named Wiremu Kingi not only objected, but challenged the governor to fight, expecting him not to, and was most surprised that he did.
Seed presents “a 40-year chain of dominoes that relentlessly led to what we will find is a largely predictable conclusion” which was armed conflict to decide who was the boss – the British Queen or the Maori King.
Written in plain language, requiring no prior knowledge of anything, and asking nothing other the reader other than the ability to read, Seed says “it was written to make sense to me, an ordinary New Zealander, in the hope that it will do the same for other ordinary New Zealanders”.
The book does not play favourites. Everyone is judged by the same set of rules. Seed is not trying to prove anything. He is not pushing a narrative. There are no 21st century moral judgements imposed on 19th century words and deeds. He wrote:
"We will be entering the world of, and thinking like, the people of the time. Maori will be thinking with the mindsets and customs of the day, intelligently weighing up the pros and cons of European culture, picking out all the good bits while trying to maintain their control and their identity. Europeans will be thinking with the mindset of someone raised in Regency England, at the height of the technical triumphs and human misery of the Industrial Revolution, the aftermath of the Napoleonic Wars, the peak of evangelistic humanitarianism, the massive unemployment, desperation, and famine that forced literally millions of Europeans to seek their fortunes in distant countries."
To guide us into that 19th century world, Seed goes to what the actors in this drama said and contemporary reports of what they did.
Forty of the 77 sources listed in Seed’s selected bibliography were published in the 19th century sources, along with many more early newspaper articles.
Add to that, quotes from newspapers that recorded key events between 1820 and 1860, as well as settler eye-witness books, Seed provides a level of detail and humanity that does not appear in more recent broad-brush agenda-driven histories.
Only 17 of his sources were published after 1980, when history graduates found work with the Waitangi Tribunal to write a grievance history of the British settlement of New Zealand.
The key actors in this drama are:
• Ngati Toa chief Te Rauparaha (who built a substantial empire during the 1820s wars),
• Governors Fitzroy, Grey, and Gore Browne,
• Te Teira Manuka, Wiremu Kingi,
• Wiremu Tamihana (the Ngati Haua chief who set up a Maori king),
• Rewi Maniapoto, the firebrand central North Island chief who was the gasoline for the 1860s conflagration.
Wiremu Kingi was a player in all events recorded in Seed’s history. His life exemplifies widespread chiefly opportunism enabled by Musket War raids, the post-raid terror and desolation, the settler readiness to pay good money for land, and the government’s willingness to pay off chiefs to keep the peace.
• Originally named Te Rangitake, he left Taranaki with his father in the early 1820s to get away from the risk of being killed in a Waikato tribe raid, settling in Waikanae.
• With Te Rauparaha, he helped raid other tribes in both the North and South islands,
• He sold land in Taranaki, Wellington, and in the northern South Island to the New Zealand Company in 1839-1840,
• Signed the Treaty of Waitangi in 1840,
• Complained to the Spain land sale commission in 1844 that the payments for land were not enough,
• Prospered in Waikanae,
• Returned to Waitara in 1848, when settlers made Taranaki safe, against Governor Grey’s wishes,
• Prospered in Waitara,
• Involved himself in and helped escalate a feud between members of the Puketapu hapu that started in 1854 over a land sale,
• Opposed Te Teira Manuka’s offer of 600 acres, on March 8, 1859, on the grounds that if that sold, others would sell,
• Objects, in December, 1859, to the presence of a Maori king flag,
• Disrupted a survey of the 600 acres on February 20, 1860,
• Built pas where he shouldn’t have around March 5, 1860,
• Ignores Gore Browne’s warning, on March 6, 1860, to cease and desist,
• Another Kingi pa is found on the 600 acres on March 16, 1860.
Government troops attacked the pa Kingi built on the 600 acres on March 17, 1860. Kingi asks for Kingite help by May 1860. The first Taranaki war, which Seed said should be called the first Waikato war, was fought in sporadic clashes for one year.
Kingi says the war is about the existence of the Maori king and not Teira’s 600 acres (according to Wiremu Tamihana on p330 of Seed’s book).
Seed writes that “Teira’s offer is, in effect, a side show. What follows will not be a land-related contest between Teira and Kingi but a sovereignty related contest between Kingi and Browne.
Armed conflict spread to Waikato, the Bay of Plenty, to the East Coast and Hawkes Bay, morphing into fighting with different entities including Hauhaus and Te Kooti, and lasted for more than 10 years.
Large numbers of Maori fought for the government, motivated both by support for the new way that the governor brought as well as hatred from the Kingites and for what those tribes and others did to them in the 1820s.
The over-achieving first governor William Hobson and his success in gathering the signatures of 512 chiefs all over New Zealand on the Treaty of Waitangi in 1840 is discussed somewhat in passing.
However, that treaty is covered in detail in exchanges between the fourth governor, Thomas Gore Browne, and Kingi.
The treaty that Gore Browne invokes and Kingi ignored was the original treaty in which chiefs ceded sovereignty (Article 1) in return for the status of British subjects (Article 3) whose property rights were confirmed (Article 2).
Of course, Gore Brown and Kingi were unaware of the other treaty, created by the Waitangi Tribunal 127 years later, in which chiefs allegedly merely allowed the governor to govern British settlers (Article 1) while chiefs could carry on exercising their “chiefly authority” or “rangatiratanga” (Article 2).
After the war, Kingi lived in seclusion, appearing in public in New Plymouth while he travelled to Parihaka where he finally settled, as the Wellington Independent reported on February 26, 1872.
"The old chief seemed to enjoy the levee, for as each batch of children came in, he laughed with delight as he took their tiny little hands in his and kindly shook them"
Kingi, like many Maori leaders of the time, adapted to the circumstances he found himself in. He raided with the raiders, sold land when buyers appeared, and opposed land sales when opposition appeared.
Kingi rejected the Maori king yet benefited from Waikato support when under attack. He mostly profited from a close association with the settler government until he misread the wrong governor.
Seed produces evidence that Kingi was not a superior chief to Te Teira Manuka. In fact, all chains of authority in Te Ati Awa had broken down at that time, as had authority of other iwi in the area, and including those in Waikato. It was anarchy.
Current claims that sovereignty was not ceded in 1840, that Maori MPs are not subject to parliamentary rules, and that tribal businesses are tax exempt, all show that this battle over who is the boss of New Zealand continues to this day.
While offering no comment on New Zealand’s culture wars, Seed’s book totally undermines the current orthodoxy on history and the treaty.
Reviews of "Taonga and Contra Proferentem"
Mike Butler: Tribunal’s wobbly house of cards
breakingviewsnz.blogspot.com/2024/03/mike-butler-tribunals-wobbly-house-of.html
Forty years of Waitangi Tribunal decisions have been built on a “very wobbly” house of cards, according to Piers Seed in his new book Taonga and Contra Proferentem – thoughts on the Waitangi Tribunal Process.
With a Bachelor of Engineering in electronics, this is the second book in which Seed applies the disciplines of the hard sciences to what passes as history in New Zealand. Two years ago, he used such analysis to debunk myths around the clash between government troops and insurgents at Rangiaowhia on February 21, 1864, in Hoani’s Last Stand. Seed’s new book shows that the Waitangi Tribunal has built its empire on a word and a concept to create its wobbly house of cards.
The word is “taonga”, which originally meant “property procured by the spear”.
The concept is an old legal doctrine called “contra proferentem” used by the tribunal to claim that the Maori language “Te Tiriti” has precedence over the English “treaty” text. This effectively denies the Crown any say in its interpretation which is “surely a very strange thing in an agreement between two parties”, Seed wrote.
The word “taonga” was used 6182 times in newspapers from 1842 to 1989, Seed found by searching digitised records “with a few keystrokes”.
“Property procured by the spear”, the first documented English definition of “taonga”, was recorded by New Zealand missionary, recorder of the Maori language, schoolmaster, arms dealer, and Pakeha-Maori Thomas Kendall in 1820.
Kendall’s definition was limited to physical objects that were valuable and referred to the concept of property and not any particular property. Seed traced the evolution of “taonga” through 27 key dictionaries from Kendall’s in 1820 to the Ngata Dictionary in 2021, as well as the 1831 petition by chiefs to King William and the Treaty of Waitangi and showed that “taonga” referred to a physical object until the Motunui Report in 1982, when it began to mean anything in the universe.
The Waitangi Tribunal has used the word “taonga“ to include water, fishing rights, environmental management, forestry, geothermal resources, Maori language, radio frequencies, data related to the Maori world, flora, fauna, intellectual property, mountains, minerals, the right to vote, Maori seats, Maori children, and so on.
Seed shone a light on the musings of eminent linguist and Maori studies expert Bruce Biggs in his 1989 article titled Humpty Dumpty and the Treaty of Waitangi in which Biggs linked “taonga” with what he asserted was the “metaphorical nature of the Maori language”.
The idea that this “metaphorical argument” could in any way prove anything about “taonga” is illogical, Seed wrote.
“Are Biggs, and the tribunal, suggesting that “the Maori language is so obtuse and chameleon like that not only “taonga” but by extension any Maori word can mean anything, everything, and therefore nothing”, Seed wrote.
The “contra proferentem” doctrine was designed as a penalty for someone who drafted an ambiguous contract aimed to get results that benefited the drafter. The earliest tribunal reference to contra proferentem was in WAI 9 in 1987.
Seed notes that the tribunal’s use of contra proferentem is self-contradictory, done without justification, and misapplied to a treaty in two languages when it has only ever been used on contracts or treaties in one language.
His 45-page discussion about treaties with North American Indians, Seed shows how entirely different they are from the Treaty of Waitangi.
They concern blocks of land, disputes are settled in a law court, the goal of settlement is justice, remedies are reasonable and practical, issues are contemporary, and those treaties are in English only.
On the other hand, the Treaty of Waitangi concerns sovereignty, the tribunal is a mock court with no defence counsel or testing of evidence, the goal is settling grudges, remedies run into the billions, issues go back eight generations, and the texts are in two languages with a set or arbitrary principles.
Seed challenges the tribunal’s “deliberate ambiguity” assertion by drawing attention to the extent to which Governor William Hobson bent over backwards to ensure that chiefs understood the contents of the treaty.
Hobson even had it translated into the chiefs’ language in words often of one syllable, which is the precise opposite of a drafter deliberately misleading through ambiguity.
Seed’s research into “taonga” and “contra proferentem” cuts through the Waitangi Tribunal’s 178 reports totalling 41,734 pages which would create a pile 4.2-metres high. His concise analysis would is a helpful handbook for any Minister who may dare to challenge the treaty industry.
Rigorously analysed, exhaustively explained, and replete with colourful insights and observations, Taonga and Contra Proferentem – thoughts on the Waitangi Tribunal Process by Piers Seed is a must-read for anyone who wants to understand how we got to where we are in New Zealand today.
Roger Childs: A Law unto itself - the Waitangi Tribunal
https://waikanaewatch.org/2024/03/31/a-law-unto-itself-the-waitangi-tribunal/
In his second history book, Christchurch writer Piers Seed provides a fascinating and highly perceptive analysis of what’s wrong with the Waitangi Tribunal process.
Entitled Taonga and Contra Proferentem, the author examines how the crucial Maori word taonga has evolved from meaning “property” and all that entails, in the early 19th century. Today in making judgements on claimants’ cases, the Tribunal allows taonga to mean “anything you care to name” in the guise of the wonderfully vague word “treasure”.
Piers Seed looks at whether taonga and contra preferentem (a legal term that can mean in ambiguous contract or treaty situations, decisions should favour the party which is on the receiving end) have been used correctly and ethically. He outlines a strong case to support the proposition that many “important Tribunal decisions (have) been based on a very wobbly house of cards.”
A different kettle of fish
In his first book Seed tackled the controversial claims that women, children and older men of the south Waikato town of Rangiaowhia were slaughtered in February 1864. Using all the known eye-witness accounts, both Maori and non-Maori, he emphatically dispels the myth of atrocities being committed by General Cameron’s forces.
The book clearly demonstrated his skills in analysis and using a comprehensive range of evidence, however in Taonga and Contra Proferentem his focus is not on specific historical events, but on the process by which the Waitangi Tribunal has been making decisions resulting in hundreds of millions of tax-payers dollars being paid out to Maori groups.
By redefining the word taonga to mean “treasure” the Tribunal opened the flood gates to allow claimants to apply the word to “mauri (life force), intellectual property, navigational aids, radio spectrums, languages, ideas, thoughts, rivers or mountains, or indeed anything abstract or spiritual.”
By favouring the Maori Treaty (Te Tiriti o Waitangi) over the English language version under the legal principle of contra proferentem, the Tribunal effectively denies the Crown the right to challenge its decisions. It may not be a court of law, but often acts like one.
Taonga – a word with many meanings
The author looks in considerable detail at how the word has been translated and interpreted from 1820 to the present day. In a chapter entitled “A chronological history of taonga” Seed starts with Thomas Kendall’s Grammar and vocabulary of the language of New Zealand and examines various dictionaries and collections of Te Reo words through to the online Ngata Dictionary of 2021.
He does point out that in various publications, notably the Maori version of The Bible, “treasure” is mentioned as a meaning for taonga, but nothing like the “anything highly prized” definition the Waitangi Tribunal has applied. In looking at New Zealand’s historical records he has this to say “ … trawling through this vast documentation we find no records of taonga, as envisaged by the Tribunal, from the time of Captain Cook to the 1980s.”
He does not examine the Articles of the two Treaties, but does observe that overall the English-language version is a short and “exceptionally clear document pitched at the best possible sweet spot for that place, that time and to that audience”.
However, the purpose of his book is to show how taonga has become “an underpinning concept of the Maori world” and how the Tribunal has favoured Te Tiriti over the English version in its judgements, according to the principle of contra proferentem.
In opening Pandora’s Box on meanings of taonga anything is possible, and Seed observes that consequently many Tribunal decisions “are … based on fantasy”.
Seed emphasizes that the Tribunal is not a Court of Law but in fact is akin to a Royal Commission. This compares with the United States and Canada where issues related to treaties with indigenous people are decided in the courts and contra preferentum is often applied to ensure that both side are given a fair go.
Highly recommended
The failings of the hugely influential Waitangi Tribunal is a topic mainstream media will not touch with a rowing oar, fearing at the very least of being called “racist”. Seed emphasizes that his approach to this subject, which affects all taxpayers, is not based on rhetoric but is methodically centred on fact and logic.
The book is fluently written, laced with plenty of appropriate analogies and occasional touches of humour, and backed up with supporting footnotes and appendices.
Taonga and Contra Proferentem fills a huge gap in writing on the Treaty decision-making process, and provides comprehensive insights into an organization that the government first needs to rein in and then disband. The Waitangi Tribunal has transmogrified into a self—sustaining monolith and its staff probably feel that they have jobs for life.
(You can purchase Taonga and Contra Proferentem Thoughts on the Waitangi Tribunal Process by emailing info@piersseed.co.nz and is listed on amazon.com.au. The price is $35 plus postage.)
Roger Childs is a retired teacher who taught History, Social Studies and Geography for 40 years.
Review by Allen Heath
I found this book an easy read, very well researched and clear in its conclusions.
Piers Seed is to be congratulated for bringing such an important topic into view. It covers the evolution of the word ‘taonga’ from just meaning simply property such as a spear or a slave, to everything that the Waitangi Tribunal (and its supplicants) can think of that Maori should now own, including radio frequencies, fishing rights and geothermal resources, among many others; items that the 1840 Maori would have not considered owning at the time of the Treaty’s origin.
Of major concern is that only the Maori language version of the Treaty is given full consideration, despite the fact that it was originally drafted in English. This of course being incontrovertible given that Maori did not have a written language until English missionaries converted it into a written form. They in fact invented terms for things and concepts that were never part of the Maori culture and lexicon, a practice that is continuing to this day.
Of further concern is that where there is any doubt as what was meant or implied in the Maori version of the treaty, then the decision goes against the drafter of the Treaty and is ruled in favour of the applicant or supplicant under the legal term contra proferentem, itself not used in its correct fashion by the Tribunal.
In all, this book shows that the Waitangi Tribunal acts in a very biased fashion, misrepresenting much of the Treaty’s original meaning and, as a consequence should be part of either a judicial review or a commission of enquiry, with a subsequent, well-deserved demolition and disbandment.
I recommend this book to every New Zealander who fears that race-based politics and anti-colonialism rhetoric are turning this country into a divided nation.
Allen C.G. Heath, 12 April 2024
Reviews of " Hoani's Last Stand"
https://waikanaewatch.org/2022/06/22/book-review-hoanis-last-stand-the-real-story-of-rangiaowhia/
https://breakingviewsnz.blogspot.com/2022/05/mike-butler-burnt-church-atrocity.html
https://thebfd.co.nz/2022/07/19/your-chance-to-win-a-copy-of-hoanis-last-stand-10/
https://www.thepost.co.nz/a/nz-news/350032743/disagreeing-historians-and-what-it-means-for-nz-history-in-schools